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Harriet Martineau

1802 - 1876

To once again showcase a nineteenth-century biographical dictionary, today's commentary is taken in its entirety from Sarah Josepha Hale's Woman's Record, 1855. If nothing else, this article will remind the reader of the strongly religious culture of the time, a culture in which all of the activists in this series lived.

"BORN in 1802, was one of the youngest of a family of eight children. Her father was proprietor of one of the manufactories of Norwich, in which place his family, originally of French origin, had resided since the revocation of the edict of Nantes. Miss Martineau has herself ascribed her taste for literary pursuits to the delicacy of her health in childhood, and to her deafness, which, without being complete, has obliged her to seek occupations and pleasures within herself; and also to the affection which subsisted between her and her brother, the Rev. James. Martineau. When her family became unfortunate in worldly affairs, she was able, by her writings, to relieve them entirely from the burden of her support, and she has since realized "an elegant sufficiency" from her writings.

Her first work, "Devotional Exercises, for the use of Young Persons," was published in 1823. The following year, appeared "Christmas Day;" and in 1825, "The Friends," being a sequel of the last named. In 1826, she wrote "Principle and Practice," a tale, "The Rioters," and "Original Hymns." In 1827, "Mary Campbell" and "The Turnout" were published; and in 1829, "Sequel to Principle and Practice," "Tracts for Houlston," and "My Servant Rachel." In 1830, appeared her best work, because evincing more tenderness of feeling and faith in religion than any other she has written,—this was "Traditions of Palestine;" also a prize essay, "The Essential Faith of the Universal Church," and "Five Years of Youth." In the following year, 1831, she obtained prizes for two essays, " The Faith, as unfolded by Many Prophets," and "Providence, as manifested through Israel."

Miss Martineau seems here to have reached her culminating point in religious sentiment; her faith never rose above sentiment, except in the "Traditions of Palestine," which has passages of, seemingly, true and holy fervour of spirit. In 1832, she commenced her series of tales, as "Illustrations of Political Economy," "Illustrations of Taxation," of "Poor Laws," &c. Miss Martineau was induced to prepare these books, from reading Mrs. Marcet's "Conversations on Political Economy," and thinking that illustrations through stories, theory put in action, would be most effective in producing reforms. The books were very popular when they appeared; but we doubt if their influence on the public mind was productive of any beneficial improvement. The tales were read for amusement; the political notions were forgotten, probably, before the incidents of the story had been effaced by some new work of fiction.

In 1835, she visited the United States, where she had many friends, warm admirers of her talents, and of the philanthropy with which her writings was imbued. She was welcomed as a sister; and throughout her "Tour in America," the kindest hospitality of the American people was lavished on her. She published the result of her observations and reflections in 1837. She found what she came to find, and no more. Her philosophical and political opinions were fully formed before she set her foot on American ground, and her two works, "Society in America" and "Retrospect of Western Travel," are essentially a bundle of facts and deductions, to prove that Harriet Martineau's opinions were right. But she brought to these investigations some excellent qualities and much benevolent feeling. She was earnest, enthusiastic and hopeful; her books, though marred by many mistakes, some misrepresentations, and, of course, with absurd and erroneous deductions drawn from wrong premises, were yet far more candid in tone and true in spirit, than any preceding works of British travellers in America had ever been. The style is spirited, graphic, and frequently eloquent. Miss Martineau is remarkable for her power of portraying what she sees; she revels in the beauties of landscape, and has a wonderful command of language. Her writings are usually entertaining, even to those who do not agree with her in theory and sentiment.

Of her subsequent writings, we will quote the opinion of an eminent British critic [Chambers' Cyclopcedia of English Literature]. "Her first regular novel appeared in 1839, and was entitled ' Deerbrook.' Though improbable in many of its incidents, this work abounds in eloquent and striking passages. The democratic opinions of the authoress (for in all but her anti-Malthusian doctrines, Miss Martineau is a sort of female Godwin) are strikingly brought forward, and the characters are well drawn. ' Deerbrook' is a story of English domestic life. The next effort of Miss Martineau was in the historical romance. ' The Hour and the Man,' 1840, is a novel or romance, founded on the history of the brave Toussaint L'Ouverture, and with this man as hero, Miss Martineau exhibits as the hour of action the period when the slaves of St. Domingo threw off the yoke of slavery. There is much passionate as well as graceful writing in this tale; its greatest defect is, that there is too much disquisition, and too little connected or regular fable. Among the other works of Miss Martineau are several for children, as ' The Peasant and the Prince,' 'The Settlers at Home,' 'How to Observe,' &c. Her latest work, 'Life in the Sick-Room, or Essays by an Invalid,' 1844, contains many interesting and pleasing sketches, full of acute and delicate thought and elegant description."

In 1846, Miss Martineau, in company with intelligent friends, made a journey through Egypt, to Palestine, Greece, Syria, and Arabia. She has given her impressions of those countries in her work, "Eastern Life; Present and Past," published in 1848. That she is an intelligent traveller, and knows "how to observe," better than almost any tourist who had preceded her, there is no doubt. Her work is exceedingly interesting; but it is marred by the mocking infidelity which she allows for the first time to darken her pages, and testify to the world her disbelief in divine revelation!

A new work from the pen of Miss Martineau, "Letters on Man's Nature and Developments," has lately appeared in London; it is decidedly atheistic in its tone; the only foundation of morality, the belief in God, is disavowed, and His holy word derided as a book of fables, unworthy the study of rational beings. There is something in this avowal by a woman of utter unbelief in Christianity which so shocks the mind, that we are troubled to discuss it; we draw back, as from a pit of destruction, into which to gaze, even, is to sin. In commenting on this infidel work, an American critic, after paying a high compliment to the great talents of Miss Martineau, even allowing she has "masculine power and activity of mind," adds, evidently intending to depreciate the sex, "but the constitutional feebleness, waywardness, and willfulness of woman is nevertheless not unfrequently evinced by her; and as she grows older the infirmities of her nature are more and more conspicuous." If to become an atheist and avow infidelity be the sign of "feebleness, waywardness," &c., how happens it that the great mass of infidels are men? Miss Martineau must now be ranked with Hume, Gibbon, Shelley, Byron, and a host of eminent masculine writers in Great Britain, besides the greater portion of French savants and German philosophers. Even Milton denied, in his old age, the divinity of the Saviour; a fitting sequence to his elevation of the reason of man above the intuitive goodness of woman. Why is it more shocking for a woman to deny the Saviour, and disbelieve the Bible, than for a man? Is it not because she is the conservator of morals, endowed with a quicker capacity of recognizing or feeling divine truth, and with a nature more in consonance with the requirements of the Gospel? Do men show strength, wisdom, and decision of character, when elevating human reason above divine revelation? The apostle declares that to those who "believe," the Gospel is "the power of God, and the wisdom of God." Four-fifths of these believers are now women. Is not the power and wisdom, which the Christian faith gives, with the female sex?

Miss Martineau has indeed become weak, because she has deserted this tower of strength—"faith in the Lord Jesus Christ;" and bowed down her noble nature to worship reason unenlightened by revelation, an idol set up by the "feebleness, waywardness, and willfulness" of men. May God give her grace to see and escape the snare of the tempter. The triumph of woman's genius is to follow the Saviour in doing good, to hold fast her faith in God, her hope in a blessed immortality. What higher aim than this can the ingenuity of man devise, or his reason prove beneficial to the human race?"

'Political Non-Existence Of Women'
from Society in America (1837)
Harriet Martineau

ONE of the fundamental principles announced in the Declaration of Independence is that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. How can the political condition of women be reconciled with this?

Governments in the United States have power to tax women who hold property; to divorce them from their husbands; to fine, imprison, and execute them for certain offences. Whence do these governments derive their powers? They are not "Just," as they are not derived from the consent of the women thus governed.

Governments in the United States have power to enslave certain women; and also to punish other women for inhuman treatment of such slaves. Neither of these powers are "Just;" not being derived from the consent of the governed.

Governments decree to women in some States half their husbands' property; in others one-third. In some, a woman, on her marriage, is made to yield all her property to her husband; in others, to retain a portion, or the whole, in her own hands. Whence do governments derive the unjust power of thus disposing of property without the consent of the governed?

The democractic principle condemns all this as wrong; and requires the equal political representation of all rational beings. Children, idiots, and criminals, during the season of sequestration, are the only fair exceptions.

The case is so plain that I might close it here; but it is interesting to inquire how so obvious a decision has been so evaded as to leave to women no political rights whatever. The question has been asked, from time to time, in more countries than one, how obedience to the laws can be required of women, when no woman has, either actually or virtually, given any assent to any law. No plausible answer has, as far as I can discover, been offered; for the good reason, that no plausible answer can be devised. The most principled democratic writers on government have on this subject sunk into fallacies, as disgraceful as any advocate of despotism has adduced. In fact, they have thus sunk from being, for the moment, advocates of despotism. Jefferson in America and James Mill at home, subside, for the occasion, to the level of the author of the Emperor of Russia's Catechism for the young Poles.

Jefferson says, [Correspondence Vol. IV. p. 295.] "Were our State a pure democracy, in which all the inhabitants should meet together to transact all their business, there would yet be excluded from their deliberations,

"l. Infants, until arrived at years of discretion;

"2. Women, who, to prevent depravation of morals, and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscuously in the public meetings of men;

"3. Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of things with us takes away the rights of will and of property."

If the slave disqualification, here assigned, were shifted up under the head of Women, their case would be nearer the truth than as it now stands. Woman's lack of will and of property, is more like the true cause of her exclusion from the representation, than that which is actually set down against her. As if there could be no means of conducting public affairs but by promiscuous meetings! As if there would be more danger in promiscuous meetings for political business than in such meetings for worship, for oratory, for music, for dramatic entertainments,—for any of the thousand transactions of civilized life! The plea is not worth another word.

Mill says, with regard to representation, in his 'Essay on Government', "One thing is pretty clear; that all those individuals, whose interests are involved in those of other individuals, may be struck off without inconvenience. . . .In this light, women may be regarded, the interest of almost all of whom is involved, either in that of their fathers or in that of their husbands."

The true democratic principle is, that no person's interests can be, or can be ascertained to be, identical with those of any other person. This allows the exclusion of none but incapables.

The interests of women who have fathers and husbands can never be identical with theirs, while there is a necessity for laws to protect women against their husbands and fathers. This statement is not worth another word.

Some who desire that there should be an equality of property between men and women, oppose representation, on the ground that political duties would be incompatible with the other duties which women have to discharge. The reply to this is that women are the best Judges here. God has given time and power for the discharge of all duties; and, if he had not, it would be for women to decide which they would take, and which they would leave. But their guardians follow the ancient fashion of deciding what is best for their wards. The Emperor of Russia discovers when a coat of arms and title do not agree with a subject prince.

The King of France early perceives that the air of Paris does not agree with a free-thinking foreigner. The English Tories feel the hardship that it would be to impose the franchise on every artizan, busy as he is in getting his bread. The Georgian planter perceives the hardship that freedom would be to his slaves. And the best friends of half the human race peremptorily decide for them as to their rights, their duties, their feelings, their powers. In all these cases, the persons thus cared for feel that the abstract decision rests with themselves; that, though they may be compelled to submit, they need not acquiesce.

I cannot enter upon the commonest order of pleas of alls—those which relate to the virtual influence of woman; her swaying the Judgment and will of man through the heart; and so forth. One might as well try to dissect the morning mist. I knew a gentleman in America who told me how much rather he had be a woman than the man he is;—a professional man, a father, a citizen. He would give up all this for a woman's influence. I thought he was mated too soon. He should have married a lady, also of my acquaintance, who would not at all object to being a slave, if ever the blacks should have the upper hand; "it is so right that the one race should be subservient to the other!" Or rather,—I thought it a pity that the one could not be a woman, and the other a slave; so that an injured individual of each class might be exalted into their places, to fulfill and enjoy the duties and privileges which they despise, and, in despising, disgrace.

That woman has power to represent her own interests, no one can deny till she has been tried. The modes need not be discussed here: they must vary with circumstances. The fearful and absurd images which are perpetually called up to perplex the question,—images of women on wool-sacks in England, and under canopies in America, have nothing to do with the matter. The principle being once established, the methods will follow, easily, naturally, and under a remarkable transmutation of the ludicrous into the sublime. The kings of Europe would have laughed mightily, two centuries ago, at the idea of a commoner, without robes, crown, or sceptre, stepping into the throne of a strong nation. Yet who dared to laugh when Washington's super-royal voice greeted the New World from the presidential chair, and the old world stood still to catch the echo?

The principle of the equal rights of both halves of the human race is all we have to do with here. It is the true democratic principle which can never be seriously controverted, and only for a short time evaded. Governments can derive their Just powers only from the consent of the governed.

Reference:

Sarah Josepha Hale, Woman's Record: Or, Sketches of All Distinguished Women from the Creation to A.D. 1854, 1855, [reprinted by New York: Source Books Press, 1970] pp. 739 - 740

Harriet Martineau, Seymour Martin Lipset (ed.), 'Political Non-Existence Of Women' from Society in America (1837), reprinted [New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1994

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last updated February 2003