- "Just as it is ironic that Joslyn Gage, who felt it important to recover and leave behind a history of women's accomplishments, was lost to history; it is ironic that establishing her place in history and uncovering why she was lost is met with disbelief and disdain by those unable to see beyond conventional history and the sanctification of figures within the movement for woman suffrage." p. xii
- Writing of Gage's maiden speech at the Syracuse (NY) 1852 National Woman's Rights Convention, Brammer writes, "Joslyn Gage's speech attracted so much attention for its unusual perspective on woman's rights that Lucretia Coffin Mott had it printed and distributed as part of the movement literature. Her argument, so unlike the arguments of others at the time, typifies the kind of analysis that Joslyn Gage utilized throughout her life. Most woman's rights advocates of the time focused on what women could do if they had the opportunity; Joslyn Gage uncovered what women had already done and men had minimized or stolen those achievements." p. xiii
- "Despite her integral role in the movement for woman's rights and woman suffrage, Joslyn Gage remains a relatively unknown figure." p. xiv
- "Despite the passage of time, that "feeling of presence" still emanates from the work of Joslyn Gage. Lynne Spender (1983) notes that Joslyn Gage's :knowledge, analysis, and predictions for the future [are] all remarkedly in tune with those of modern feminists" (p. 145) Mary Daly (1980) argues that "Gage is one of the great foresisters of contemporary feminists. In her writing she transcends the boundaries of time and becomes our contemporary. The qualities which make this possible are the depth and daring and the a-mazing [sic] scope of her analysis" (p. vii)." p. xv
- "Many of Joslyn Gage 's ideas remain controversial. In the late nineteenth century, her advanced feminist thought would have been completely unacceptable to a movement that was moving toward a more conservative platform and seeking to narrow the platform to suffrage alone to gain more members." p. xvi
- "Significantly, Joslyn Gage became more radical through the years. Instead of growing tired and more conservative as she aged, she continued battling against oppressions and developing positions that remain controversial.
Joslyn Gage's significance to the women's movement today extends beyond the contributions her thorough analysis of the treatment of women and patriarchy can make to the understanding of women's history and feminist theory. Her deletion from history raises some important questions about social movements and the future of women's scholarship. Ad Daly writes: "How could we -- especially women historians, educated and legitimated by 'degrees' -- have been kept in such ignorance of our own tradition? And when women overcome this studied ignorance to some degree and publish our own works will these be as effectively concealed from our 'educated' sisters of the future as the work of our foresisters has been hidden from us?" (1990, p. 217) It seems inconceivable that someone who devoted such a large share of her life and played such an important role in the early movement should be lost to history. Ironically, what makes this fascinating woman most important perhaps is her loss, especially since her life was devoted to u uncovering the achievements of women whose contributions patriarchy had found convenient to lose.
Yet there is more to her story than just another woman who challenged male-oppression and was conveniently forgotten. Although Joslyn Gage has remained lost, Anthony and, to a lesser degree, Cady Stanton are celebrated beyond feminist circles for their roles in the history of woman suffrage. Joslyn Gage provides a rather striking example of how the ideas of women are lost. In her case, patriarchy alone is not responsible. Responding to the pressures of patriarchy, the very people that Joslyn Gage worked with in the movement distanced themselves from her, excluded her ideas, and deleted her from history. Beyond her work and the astounding thoroughness of her analysis, her exclusion from history provides a view of the fragility of ideas, particularly within a movement seeking to align itself with other related groups.
This volume attempts to remedy the exclusion of Matilda Joslyn Gage and fill a large gap in women's history by analyzing her ideas and the process by which she and her ideas were excluded from the movement and its history. Importantly, this is not a biography; that work is left to others who know her life better. The goal here is to highlight Matilda Joslyn Gage's contributions to feminist thought, particularly the analysis of patriarchy, while providing insight into the e political processes within the woman's movement. " p. xvi-xvii
- "Joslyn Gage's impact as an activist, rhetorician, theoretician, and marginalized radical is significant to contemporary feminism." p. xviii
- "Matilda was an only child, and her parents devoted their leisure time to her unique education. She was trained early to think for herself and to express her opinions. The rule in the house was that Matilda was to be present at all discussions with guests and that all her questions, no matter how childish, were to be answered (Stanton, 1898, p. 337). Her father taught her Greek, mathematics, and even physiology through the dissection of animals (Willard & Livermore, 1893). Matilda was required to write a letter a day for her father's correction and was a prolific writer of stories and verses. Matilda read the Bible at age nine and joined a church at age eleven (H. L. Gage, 1885. p. 366). She was exposed to the hazards of social reform from an early age. When circulating antislavery petitions as a young girl, she was met with rebuffs and harsh words, but that only served to deepen her commitment to reform work (Freethinkers). Dr. Joslyn considered a full medical education for Matilda; instead, she received a strong, liberal education attending Hamilton Seminary, Deuyter Academy, and the Clinton Liberal Institute. She gave her first lecture at age seventeen on the subject of astronomy to a literary society (Willard and Livermore, 1893. p. 309)." p. 1-2
- "After 1852, Joslyn Gage became "prominent in the Abolition and Suffrage movements," writing and speaking against slavery and the oppression of women (McCabe, 1920, p. 275)" p. 6
- "Joslyn Gage was a member of the American Equal Rights Association. Although not centrally involved in that organization, when it cut off funding for women, she joined Cady Stanton and Anthony in the formation of the National Woman Suffrage Association. She also served as a member on the first advisory council. She also helped found and organize the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. In the first year as vice-president and secretary of that organization, she corresponded with over 47 countries and circulated 2,00 tracts (Warbasse, 1971, p. 5). . . .
During this time, she also continued writing and was one of the principal contributors to The Revolution, a paper edited by Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury. As a writer, Joslyn Gage made her greatest recorded impact on the movement. In 1871, she published her Woman's Rights Catechism, which was a well-developed statement of the constitutional argument for suffrage." p. 7
- "In 1878, she appeared for the first time on the platform at the Watkins, New York, Freethought Convention. She said that her address was very severe on orthodox religion and that the speech and her attendance at the convention would "virtually excommunicate her from the National Woman's Rights Party" but that she must "be true to her conviction that the Bible and the church were the two greatest obstacles" to women and liberty (New Era, 1898, p. 332). At that convention, Joslyn Gage called for a convention of the free thought women of America in Washington, D. C. The organized as the Women's National Liberal Union, and Joslyn Gage was elected president. The objectives of the organization were state secularization and enlisting women on behalf of freethought (Underwood, 1898, p. 335)
Joslyn Gage's thinking was clearly in line with that of the freethought movement. Warren's (1943) description of freethinkers included the statement that "without exception they presented an advanced view on the woman question," with almost every freethought convention including at least one resolution calling for woman suffrage (pp. 127-128). Freethinkers pointed with "pride to the fact that three of the outstanding suffragette [sic] leaders [Anthony, Cady Stanton, and Joslyn Gage] . . . were agnostics" (p. 42). Others also identify Joslyn Gage as aligned with the freethinkers (Wheeler, 1889, p. 141); Tribe, 1967, p. 224; Spretnal, 1982, p. xi). In his 400 Years of Freethought, Putnam (1894) directly points to the "brilliant pages of Matilda Joselyn [sic] Gage and Helen H. Gardner, who sufficiently prove that woman is intellectually equal to man. Ages of oppression have not quenched her genius" (p. 477). He lauded her as "Matilda Joslyn Gage, who flings the gauntlet down to church and state, and rings the clarion note for justice" (p. 495). Later, he included her on a list of prominent freethinkers who addressed the New York Freethinkers Association (p. 549); however, Joslyn Gage was not listed as a member.
Certainly, Joslyn Gage was neither the first nor the only woman to be associated with the freethought movement. Earlier women, including Mary Wollstonecraft, Frances Wright, and Ernestine Potowski Rose, were more closely aligned. Potowski Rose was certainly a predecessor, as shown in her address to the Handford Bible Convention in 1854, where she stated, "My Sisters, the Bible has enslaved you; the churches have been built on your subjugated necks. Do you wish to be free? Then you must trample the Bible, the church, and the priests under your feet" (Putnam, 1894, p. 525). Many of Joslyn Gage's contemporaries, including Cady Stanton, Gardener, and Voltarine de Cleyre, a prominent anarchist, shared these views.
Although Joslyn Gage's views on woman's rights and the church were moving her away from the central concerns of the National, she was still integrally involved in the organization. In 1878, she purchased The National Citizen and the Ballot Box, and it became the official paper of the National. Joslyn Gage had continuously been involved in writing for newspapers and was a regular correspondent reporting on the National, Anthony's trial, and other such matters for papers in New York, Syracuse, San Francisco, and Fayetteville. The National Citizen provided her with her own forum to report what she thought important. Anthony and Cady Stanton were initially listed as corresponding editors, but eventually their names were dropped. The paper focused on the broader issues of woman's oppression and worked as a consciousness-raising forum by including many letters providing first-hand, detailed accounts of the experiences of women. In editorials, Joslyn Gage took a feminist perspective on issues, including rape, marriage customs, prostitution, and the church. She also included information and research on cooperative lifestyles and collectives." pp. 11-13
- "Joslyn Gage wrote of the victory [of pro-suffrage Alonzo B. Cornell over anti-suffrage, incumbent Lucius Robinson for Governor of NY]: "When men begin to fear the power of women, their voice and their influence, then we shall secure justice but not before. When we demonstrate our ability to kill off, or seriously injure a candidate, or hurt a party, then we shall receive 'respectful consideration . . . ' We must be recognized as aggressive" (Wagner, 1980, p. xxiii)." p. 14
- "Joslyn Gage was also prominent in arranging the International Council of Women in 1888. . . ." p. 15
- "Her final editorial in The National Citizen contextualized her struggle for suffrage and predicted the battles to come.
To those that fancy we are near the end of the battle or that the reformer's path is strewn with roses, we may say them nay. The thick of the fight has just begun: the hottest part of the warfare is yet to come, and those who enter it must be willing to give up father, mother, and comforts for its sake. neither shall we who carry on the fight, reap the great regard. We are battling for the good of those who shall come after us; they, not ourselves, shall enter into the harvest. (The end, October, 1881, p. 2)" p. 19
- "In 1872, Clafin Woodhull announced her candidacy for president. Many claim her as the first woman to run for president, but, as she was Constitutionally not old enough and her name was not actually on any ballot, she was not truly a candidate. The honor of the first woman candidate for president really goes to Belva Lockwood in 1884." p. 27
- "With this appeal, Willard attracted large number of followers in every state. Although degraded and despised by the liquor interests, the WCTU was a respectable organization that provided woman suffrage with an air of respectability because middle class, conservative Christian women were not threatening; whereas, women demanding equal rights, jobs, and religious freedom challenged the foundations of society. Further, woman suffrage had through the years become much less controversial (Deckard, 1983, p. 264). Flexner reports, "Woman suffrage was not yet generally accepted, but it was no longer considered the province of eccentrics and crackpots" (p. 218).
After 1876, the National, under the direction of Anthony, became less radical in its activities. Each year the National held a convention and testified before Congress, but that was essentially the limit of their official activities. Protests and voting tests were no longer made u under the auspices of the organization.. . . .
Suffrage had always been a middle-class movement, but these events and the growing acceptability of suffrage brought in members who were far removed from social reform interests. Respectability meant that the members were more likely conservative and unwilling to discuss wider issues of woman's rights. . . . " pp. 30-31
- "The American was willing to consider a merger because the National was no longer the radical organization it once was, and as a result of the years of struggle, Stone and the American both were exhausted. Although the National had become less controversial in its activities, many members remained opposed to a union, particularly if it meant toning down their message on woman's rights. . . " p. 31
- "Despite their unified support of a single goal and their new members and resources, the woman suffrage movement languished. At the 1893 convention, the National American, to the dismay of Anthony, decided to hold conventions in Washington only biennially (Flexner, 1972 / 1959, p. 221). By 1897, the National American on longer annually introduced the federal amendment for woman suffrage, and, as Deckard (1983) argues, "From 1896 to 1910, NAWSA did little and accomplished almost nothing" (p. 272). In 1900, Anthony handed over the reins of the National American to Carrie Chapman Catt. Anna Howard Shaw, a close friend of Anthony, had expected the job, but Anthony had decided the movement needed the organizational abilities of Chapman Catt (Flexner, 1972 / 1959, p. 238). Shaw took over from Catt, but the organization floundered under her leadership. Although a gifted orator, she was a poor organizer, and, as a result, the organization "was slowing to a stop" (p. 249). When Harriet Stanton Blatch, daughter of Cady Stanton, returned from London, she observed, "The suffrage movement was in a complete rut. . . It bored its adherents and repelled its opponents. . . .There did not seem to be a grain of political knowledge in the movement" (p. 250). Stanton Blatch organized the Equality League of Self-Supporting Women (later called the Women's Political Union), which included working-class women and labor unions and used radical tactics, such as suffrage parades (pp. 251-253). In 1815, Chapman Catt became president of the National American once again, and she and other suffrage organizations, particularly Alice Paul's National Woman's Party, led the final charge for suffrage. Indeed, contrary to Anthony's strategy of u unity, independent organizations attained suffrage." p. 32
- "Popular belief of that time, supported by medical professionals and theologians, was that women were inferior to men. Because women were thought to be unable to think or act as well as men, they did not need rights and certainly would not be able to use them. Instead women were treated as objects to be protected by men. In the nineteenth century, the Cult of True Womanhood ruled women's place in society. Welter (1976) writes, "The attributes of True Womanhood, by which a woman judged herself and was judged by her husband, her neighbors and society, could be divided into four cardinal virtues -- piety, purity, submissiveness and domesticity" (p. 21). A True Woman remained in the private sphere, "eschewing any appearance of individuality, leadership, or aggressiveness" (Campbell, 1989, p. 10). Woman's rights arguments of the time attempted to respond to the condition of women by granting that while women appeared inferior, if given the opportunities, they would think and act as well as men. The granting of woman's inferiority served to weaken claims for equal opportunity.
Joslyn Gage used a much different and inherently stronger approach. Through exhaustive research, Joslyn Gage uncovered the accomplishments of women as well as evidence of their oppression. She documented women's may achievements and argued that other women would succeed, if only they were given a chance. She argued that women were equal to men; their successes proved it; yet, through a system of unjust laws and oppressive conventions, they were denied opportunity, degraded, and, ultimately, destroyed." pp. 35-36
- "Through her research and interests, Joslyn Gage had delved into the historical and theoretical grounding of the struggle for woman's rights, and she saw this chapter ['Preceding Causes', History of Woman Suffrage, volume 1, chapter 1] as a way to preserve this portion of history for future generations.
Although Joslyn Gage seemed to relish documenting the successes of women, her research also helped illuminate the obstacles that all women faced. Although she argued that successful women showed the potential of all women if they were given equal opportunity, she was aware that these women, including herself, were exceptions. Education, access to learning, and other rare circumstances played a vital role in the success of these women; most women did not have these opportunities, and most of those who had them were unable to use them. Therefore, detailing the oppression that women faced under the laws and customs of society served as an important second phase of Joslyn Gage's arguments." pp. 38-39
- "Joslyn Gage's dedication to the rights of every woman and her sympathy for those who were the most hurt by laws and customs was complete. The only contempt that she showed was for women who knowingly participated in the oppression u under which women lived." p. 40
- from p. 41: "Thus, the goal of The National Citizen was to move women to think and recognize the wrongs done to them.
As the first process towards becoming well is to know you are ill, one of the principal aims of the NATIONAL CITIZEN will be to make those women discontented who are now content, -- to waken them to self-respect, and a desire to use the talents they possess, -- to educate their consciences aright, -- to quicken their sense of duty, -- to destroy morbid beliefs, and make them worthy of the life with which their Creator endowed them. (Prospectus, may, 1878, p. 1)"
- Quoting Gage, "Let us now look at the rights it is boasted women now possess. After marriage, the husband and wife are considered as one person in law, which I hold to be false, from the very laws applicable to married parties. Were it so, the act of one would be as binding as the acts of the other, and wise legislators would not meet to enact statutes defining the peculiar rights of each; were it so a woman could not legally be a man's inferior. Such a thing would be a veritable impossibility. One half of a person can not be under the protection or direction of the other half. (M. E. J. Gage, 1852. p. 5)" p. 43
- "Joslyn Gage's support for women grew out of a strong belief in the ability and independence of women. To those who claimed women were dependent, she responded, "When men cease to rob women of their earnings they will find them all, as they are now, quite independent and capable of self-care" (Wadleigh's report, July 1878, p. 2)." p. 47
- "Her other alternative to women working in the home was men, supported by a rather nice turn on Biblical interpretation. Although men generally blamed Eve for the Fall, Joslyn Gage aptly pointed out that God had blamed only Adam, had cast only him out of the Garden, and had condemned only him to a life of hard work. She commented that because housework and other "female" occupations were hard work, why should be the domain of man as ordained by God. "We shall never see a strong race until men return to their proper sphere, that of hard labor" (May 1881, p. 3)." p. 49
- "To Joslyn Gage, prostitution was not a moral issue but rather the result of unjust labor laws. The cause was not immoral women, but the economic conditions that forced women to make such choices. She wrote:
The State of Massachusetts, like many other states, in debarring women from a legitimate profession and the use of her talents in the direction of her bent, interferes with her power to get bread, and helps open the doors which lead to death, down whose ways millions of women have been forced by the alternative to starvation. Who shall say a woman is not a slave when even the state holds control over her industries. A shame on such laws! They disgrace civilization. (Ask for bread, September 1881, p. 3)
Joslyn Gage argued that the problem was not just the inability to enter professions, but also that the jobs available did not pay enough to survive. "Thousands of women are driven to a life of pollution, by the insufficiency of wages in those departments of labor which she is legitimately permitted to enter" (1852. p. 4)." p. 50
- "She noted the implications, "If a S[t]ate has a right to deprive one class of citizens of its votes for one cause, it has a right to deprive any other class of citizens of its vote for any reason" (p. 530)." p. 60
- "Throughout her life, Joslyn Gage continued to argue actively for suffrage, but, by 1878, she had turned her thoughts to the larger, underlying issues. That judges, lawyers, and other men ignored fine legal arguments while making inconsistent arguments of their own pointed to a larger problem. She began to investigate and theorize about the roots of woman's oppression. She determined that it was not just the law, that it was not just the state, but the church as well, and that collusion between the church and state was at the center of all woman's oppression. She concluded that woman's oppression was a function of patriarchy, a system that was particularly vicious because it induced women to participate in their own oppression.
Although she never denied the importance of suffrage, Joslyn Gage's work turned to educating women about this system of oppression. She realized that while were controlled by this system, the ballot would make little difference. Women would continue as they were, participating in their own oppression. These were the reasons that she feared Frances Willard and the WCTU so much and was so upset by the merger of the National with the American. Perhaps she had determined that if women received the ballot under those conditions, nothing would change. Thus, exposing patriarchy and educating people to the dangers of it became central to her plan of freeing women from this system of controls, and at the heart of her argument was the institution of the church." p. 65
- :In her 1875 speech on the Minor decision, she made her first known public statement against the church, and this speech reveals the beginnings of her thought on church control." p. 68
- "To Joslyn Gage the problem cut deeper than just the doctrine of original sin; to her, the central problem was the elimination, by male translators, of all items in the scripture that were feminine, including God." p. 71
- "She used Christine de Pizan, fifteenth-century author and historian, as an example of a woman who h ad pointed to the double standard of the age. But to Joslyn Gage, it was more than chivalry or any one system. She argued, "Under Feudalism, under Celibacy, under Chivalry, under the Reformation, under the principles of new sects of the nineteenth century -- the Perfectionists and Mormons alike -- we find this one idea of woman's inferiority, and her creation as a subject of man's passions openly or covertly promulgated" (p. 774). The doctrine of woman's inferiority, the denial of woman's humanness, the usurpation of her liberty, and her oppression were all interwoven into a system with the church and state at the center.
Significantly, Joslyn Gage denied any claim that woman's position had improved under Protestantism. Although it is clear that she approved of the Reformation in that men received more personal liberty, she attacked it for not including women in its gains." pp. 77-78
- "Joslyn Gage also made the crucial point that church control of marriage and education resulted in the strength of the church in the Middle Ages." pp. 78-79
- "Men were not to be blamed, as she stated later in her book, "Without predetermined intention of wrong doing, man has been so molded by the Church doctrine of ages and the coordinate laws of State as to have become blind to the justice of woman's demand for freedom such as he possesses" (p. 29) Since men were as much victims as women, her arguments were crafted toward educating both to the danger to liberty from church and state control." p. 80
- "She asserted: "The strength of the church has ever laid in its power of producing fear and impelling belief in its assertion that the priesthood alone can define the will of God. . . . [W]hile the cry of heresy, so frightful in its significance, so terrible in its punishment under the priesthood, has most effectively prevented investigation and quenched the fire of rebellious thought" (p. 188). Fear of the power of the clergy and belief in their spiritual authority effectively condemned women to follow doctrines against their won natures and beliefs, such as polygamy.
For Joslyn Gage, the only answer was to break the link between the clergy and God and allow women to interpret the Bible for themselves. Only then could women determine that they were not created inferior and that polygamy was not a religious obligation. She argued, "When woman interprets the Bible for herself, it will be in the interest of a higher morality, a purer home. Monogamy is woman's doctrine, as polygamy is man's" (p. 188). She thought that such freedoms would allow women to change the world. She predicted:
If christianity [sic] survive[s] the shock of coming events, it will present a different aspect within the next fifty years and its teachings in regard to woman will be totally unlike those of past ages. As woman comes into new relations with the great institutions of the world, she will cease to believe herself inferior and subordinate to man. Polygamy and all kindred degradations of her sex will become things of the past, and taking her rightful place in church and state she will open a new civilization of the world. (p. 190)
More than anyone of her time, Joslyn Gage understood the system of patriarchy and its strength, but she believed more in the power of liberty and the strength of women. She believed that with liberty women would claim their rightful place in the world." p. 87
- from pp. 87-88: "Joslyn Gage initiated her argument concerning women and work by pointing out that it was Adam who had been condemned to hard labor, but that men had turned the curse on women, so it was women who performed the hard work. The church taught that it was woman's duty to labor. She observed:
But the history of christendom [sic] does not show an instance in which the church or the pulpit ever opposed labor by woman, . . . but on the contrary her duty to labor has been taught by the church and state alike, having met no opposition, unless, perchance she has entered upon some remunerative employment theretofore monopolized by man, with the purpose of applying its processes to her own individual use. Nor has objection then arisen because of the work, but solely because of its money-earning qualities.(p. 192)"
"Joslyn Gage was aware that many readers might maintain that, although her arguments were compelling, things were much better now. The purpose of the book [Woman, Church, and State] was to show that the church and state had systematically enacted laws that denied woman's civil liberties, but also to show that such action continued into the present. She argued that church theories of original sin and the inferiority of women remained the same and that oppression justified by those theories continued in all Christian countries." p. 88
- "By eliminating more controversial views and focusing on more conservative stands, Anthony and the National American were ripe for appropriation into male-dominated history. In fact, Anthony's whole organization played directly into the hands of patriarchy, eliminating all that might damage male power and even claiming that the vote would help men in their social reforms." p. 105
- Regarding Husted Harpers authorized biography of Anthony, Brammer writes: "Although the battle for suffrage had yet to be won, Husted Harper was ready to declare the battle for woman's rights over and Anthony as the main reason for victory." p. 113
- "After the completion of volume three of Anthony's biography, Anthony and Harper arranged to have all of Anthony's correspondence burned, thus handicapping any future attempts to write alternative histories. In fact, this was Anthony's goal. She wrote, "When the biography is finished, I shall burn my correspondence and other documents, so that this will be the only authentic history of my life that ever can be written" (K. Anthony, 1954, p. 445)." p. 114
- "Rather than a minor actor, as she is portrayed in many histories of the movement, Joslyn Gage was at the forefront of the National Woman Suffrage Association actively engaging in protest and the formation of ideology. She was intricately linked with the forms of activism chosen and the developments of the thought of the movement for woman's rights and woman suffrage. She was responsible for substantial organization tasks as well as important movement documents and arguments. Her role in creating, maintaining, and disseminating key ideologies and strategies was extremely significant, particularly her conceptualization of woman's' oppression as the result of patriarchy.
Joslyn Gage's thought differed from that of other woman's rights and woman suffrage advocates in the breadth of issues she covered and the ways in which she dealt with them. Further, her thought developed to a point at which she enunciated positions that are more characteristic of theorists in the contemporary movement than of women activists of her period. Joslyn Gage did the type of research that enabled her to detail the triumphs of women as well as their terrors. Her understanding of the oppression of women led her to fight for suffrage as a means for them to gain rights and protection through their own efforts." pp. 117-118
- References:
M. J. Gage, (1970), address of Mrs. Gage in The proceedings and addresses of the Freethinkers Convention held at Watkins, NY, 1878, New York: De Capo Press (pp. 212-217) (originally published 1878)
M. J. Gage, (1974) The United States on Trial, not Susan B. Anthony. In An Account of the proceedings on the trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the charge of illegal voting, at the presidential election in November 1872. New York: Arno Press (original work published 1873)
B. S. Rivette (1970) Fayetteville's first woman voter -- Matilda Joslyn Gage, Manlius, NY: the League of Women Voters
F. E. Willard and M. A. Livermore (1893), A woman of the century, New York: Charles Wells Moulton
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