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Disappointment at the reception his books received may have contributed to Poullaiin's belated decision to enter the career for which his early schooling had prepared him. In 1680, at the age of thirty-three, he was ordained to the Catholic priesthood and sent to serve a parish in the archbishopric of Laon. His experience as a priest could not have been pleasant. Having spent his whole life in Paris at the center of things, he was relegated in middle age to an obscure, poverty-stricken rural parish. There, at the time when (as his subsequent decision to flee to Geneva suggests) he must have been entertaining Protestant thoughts, he served an episcopal administration that was extremely hostile to Protestantism. Poullain's disillusionment with scholastic theology and his faith in the Cartesian idea that individuals should be the final arbiters of truth for themselves must have made it difficult for him to endure the authoritarianism of his bishop.
In October of 1685 events conspired to increase pressure on him. Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes and expelled the Huguenots from France. Poullain may have got into some difficulty with his ecclesiastical superiors over his willingness to cooperate with the government's policy. IN 1685 he appears to have been transferred to an even more remote parish than the one to which he had first been posted. Plainly his career in the Church was not flourishing and the points of view that he had advocated in his books were not congruent with those of the men who now had power over him.
At some point in 1688 Poullain made the decision to leave the priesthood and the Catholic Church. He returned to Paris for a brief period of time, but there was no future for him in the city of his birth. He prepared to leave France, and on 14 December 1689 he registered an application for a residency permit in Geneva. The Protestant city granted Poullain the status of a religious refuge, and Poullain embarked on a new and more promising phase in his career. His education, books, or connections won him admission to the circle of Geneva's prominent families, and early in 1690 he married a magistrate's daughter. Later that year they had a daughter, and Poullain renewed his literary activity. Second editions of De l'Egalite and De l'excellence des hommes were brought out. Six years later Poullain became the father of his only other child, a son. (Jean Jacques de la Barre grew up to become a Protestant clergyman and, like his father, a publishing scholar.)" p. xv-xvii
In 1673 Poullain presented his case by publishing De l'Egalite des deux Sexes. Poullain's approach in this treatise is an excellent example of the kind of applied Cartesian rationalism that was becoming popular in France in his day. Starting from a position of "systematic doubt," Poullain rejects the traditions and assumptions that customarily promote belief in the inequality of the sexes and accepts only those characterizations of men and women that are "clear and distinct ideas." Following the Cartesian method of rational deduction, he concludes that sexual inequality has no basis in nature. The female intellect, he maintains, is in no way inferior to the male. The sexes may differ in physical stature (reflecting their different roles in reproduction), but their difference does not constitute an argument for their inequality. Poullain attributes popular notions of female inferiority to social inertia and historical conditioning. He dismisses civil law's attempt to legitimize male authoritarianism as an error that has no foundation in natural law. Boldly radical in his support for sexual equality, Poullain argues that women are intellectually and physically capable of serving as heads of state, clergy, military officers, lawyers, and (even) college professors.
Poullain maintains that women were relegated to an inferior role at some very early point in human prehistory, that this accident had its roots in the female's unique reproductive responsibilities, and that familiarity has given an arbitrary distinction between the sexes the feel of a natural gulf. As laws and states evolved, Poullain suggests, bad habits ossified into permanent institutions. Men, as well as women, began to believe that a situation of their own making was a product of natural law and divine will. High priests and intellectuals encouraged this by inventing justification for male supremacy. Their declarations of female inferiority were reinforced by society and transformed into self-fulfilling prophecies.
For Cartesians, history and tradition carry little weight. They know that prejudices of all sorts try to validate themselves by appealing to the past. Clear thinking requires "systematic doubt" - which means that ideas that previously have been accepted can continue to be endorsed only if they withstand the critique to which each rational individual subjects them. Only "clear and distinct ideas," the products of careful, logical arguments, carry the weight of convictions." p. xxiii - xxiv
Poullain anticipated many of the debates about social issues and reform techniques that still wax hot in our world. He was not a systematic philosopher like Descartes. He did not construct mathematical and mechanical models to explain his positions or advance the techniques of Cartesian argument. But he was a Cartesian in the sense that he grasped the potential of Cartesianism as an instrument for social reform. He did not lay out a detailed program for revolutionary action. But he sensed how the world of ordinary people might be opened up when the past no longer shackled thinkers and when people imbued with the habit of clear thinking entered on the race's ancient quest for certainty." p. xxvi - xxvii
Poullain designed the Preface to De l'Egalite to make sure that no one would confuse him with the "courtly feminists." The Preface advised the book's readers not to let a mere title prompt them to a hasty conclusion about a volume's content. Poullain knew that he was likely to be misunderstood, for he confessed at the start that nothing required more care than laying out thoughts about women - particularly for male authors taking up the feminist cause. Poullain worried that the man who defends women is always assumed to be acting from self-interest (i.e., pursuing a reputation for gallantry that will win him sexual prizes). Poullain insists that De l'Egalite has a much more serious purpose. By dispelling prejudices against women it teaches people how the mind should work. This ought to promote improvements in women's condition, but Poullain is not particularly concerned with the practical implications of his argument for sexual equality. 1 Michael A. Seidel, "Poullain de la Barre's The Woman as Good as the Man," The Journal of the History of Ideas, XXV (July/Sept 1974), p. 501, offers a brief survey of this literature. " pp. xxix - xxx
Over the long haul, however, the burden of pregnancy disadvantaged women. Poullain theorized that pregnancy limited a woman's ability to work and made her dependent on a man for help. As more children were born to her, her need for a mate to help support them increased. The result was the evolution of the family. And as the family increased in size, it forced a more elaborate system of organization on society.
Children naturally honored their fathers, but, when father died, younger brothers would not inevitably accept the yoke of an older brother's authority. Power struggles might emerge within families. These would result in one male establishing dominance over the females and some of the younger males of a kinship group. But a few of the new leader's siblings would choose exile rather than submission. Possessing no patrimony, they would form warrior bands with other outcasts and prey on the property of their neighbors. These associations of brigands laid the foundations for states - the next step in social organization beyond the family. Despising those whom it conquered as weaklings, the new warrior class enslaved its victims and created societies where soldiers were supported by serfs.
Poullain believed that women had no role to play in the rise of the military state, for they were not physically adapted to warfare and were innately "too humane" to enter into the fight to dispossess their neighbors. (Poullain was not immune to infection by the prejudices of "gallantry.") The fact that women did not fight put them at a great disadvantage in competition with men. For when armies became essential to the survival of states, males came to be preferred to females. And militaristic societies, which needed efficient leadership and rigid organization, naturally assumed that authority was a male prerogative. Kings and social classes appeared. Formal religion was established. Men took control of all the institutions that ran communities. Women were confined to the home and so burdened with domestic responsibilities that they had no leisure for anything else." p xxxii - xxxiii
Since women are not spoiled by bad educations, women at least have a chance to follow whatever good impulses nature has rooted in their characters. As a result, Poullain believed that women tend to be more morally fastidious, more naturally graceful, and of sounder opinions than men. Poullain objected to the kind of training available in the schools of his day. He felt that it burdened men with a welter of prejudices, muddled their thinking, and confused their speech with meaningless jargon. Women were better off relying on common sense. As proof of this, Poullain claimed to have quizzed women from all walks of life on several of the scientific and theological questions debated in the schools. He reported that he had never found a woman who professed any opinions as outlandish as those defended by experts in scholastic philosophy. Poullain said that women tend to be less disputation, more open-minded, and quicker to penetrate to the heart of a matter than a man who has been taught the logic chopping and hair-splitting of the university." p. xxxv - xxxvi
Since lawyers deal in justice - giving each person his or her due - their opinion of women carries great weight. But Poullain warned that we must be wary of what lawyers teach. All laws have been made by males for their own convenience, and it has never been necessary for men to grant women equal rights in order to achieve the primary goal of law (the preservation of order). " p. xxxviii
The most natural use that can be made of an education is to pass it on to others, and women who acquire academic degrees could easily become teachers - posts for which their natural facility with words especially fits them. The skills that make them good teachers also equip them for the ministry. Women could preach and provide spiritual counseling just as well as men. Women could interpret justice, maintain order, and rule nations. A woman's uniquely compassionate nature might even, Poullain suggested, make her a better monarch than a man. Since governmental posts require nothing that is markedly different from the kinds of thinking that women do every day in running their homes and pursuing their entertainments, Poullain saw no reason why women could not lead armies, preside over courts of law, and handle any office in the state." pp. xlii - xliii
Plato's speculation that women were less human than me and deserved to be classed with the animals was silly enough, Poullain said, to deprive Plato of any credibility on the issue of women. Aristotle's claim that women were travesties of men - monsters - is likewise, in Poullain's opinion, a piece of nonsense. Who, he asked, is shocked or surprised at the sight of a woman - as he would be if he encountered a monster? Women have been around as long as men, and it makes as much sense to criticize Aristotle for being different from women as to complain that women are different from Aristotle. Although Poullain had not mentioned Philo earlier in his text, he had already offered his refutation of Philo's theory that women were imperfect men. Since both sexes are equally necessary to the act of reproduction, each one is imperfect when judged according to the functions of the other - but perfect in terms of its own mission. Poullain dismissed Socrates as a man angered by a shrewish wife and made resentful by an ugly face that robbed him of luck with the ladies. Diogenes's malicious epigrams were nothing more than expressions of spleen and attempts to get a rise out of an audience. Democritus was a comedian whose specious arguments can easily be turned against him. And Cato condemned women for failing tests of self-control that men could not pass.
Poullain concluded from his brief survey of the literature that there was nothing in this ancient twaddle of profit to the modern world. The true wonder, he remarked, was that "serious men" could try to make "serious use" of old jokes. Their behavior, Poullain suggested, was but another proof of the blindness that prejudice inflicts on people who ought to know better." pp. xlviii - xlix
A few brief sentences - no matter how advanced they were in anticipating the canons of interpretation used by modern textual critiques - were inadequate to lay the Bible to rest. It was not long, therefore, before Poullain was at work on a second book (De l'Excellence des hommes) that dealt extensively with Scriptural material. De l'Excellence des hommes and De l'Egalite des deux Sexes supplement each other so neatly that in 1690 they were published in one volume." p. l
Part One
In which it is demonstrated that ordinary belief is a prejudice and that, when the conduct of men and of women is compared without bias, a complete equality between the two sexes must be recognized." p. 13
But, likewise, it only takes eyes to see that the two sexes are in this like two brothers in a family - where the younger often shows (notwithstanding the negligence with which he is raised) that his elder [sibling] is superior to him only in being born first.
What end does the education given men ordinarily serve? It is mostly useless for the purpose for which it is proposed. It does not prevent many of them from falling into dissoluteness and vice and other of them from remaining permanently ignorant (even becoming yet more foolish than they were). If they have some decency, playfulness, and civility, they lose it through education. Everything grates on them, and they grate on everything. One might say they had spent their whole youths travelling [sic] in a country where they had associated solely with savages (so much rudeness and coarseness in manners do they take home with them). What they have learned is like contraband merchandise that they do not dare or do not know how to sell. If they wish to enter the world and cut a good figure there, they are obliged to go to the "school of women" to learn courtesy, kindness and all the visible signs that make up the essence of a gentleman today.
If we consider this closely, instead of despising women because they have no share of learning, we will esteem them fortunate. For it, on the one hand, they have been deprived of the means to cause their talents and unique aptitudes to be respected, on the other hand they have not had the occasion to spoil or lose these talents and aptitudes. And in spite of this deprivation, they grow in virtue, in intellect, and in good grace in proportion to their growth in years. If, without prejudice, we compare young men at the end of their schooling with women of the same age and equivalent intelligence (without knowing how both were raised), we would believe that they had had completely contrary educations." pp 35-37
Part Two
In which it is demonstrated that the evidence against the equality of the sexes taken from the works of poets, orators, historians, lawyers, and philosophers is completely futile and useless." p. 63
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